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Eve Of Destruction


Sefket

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Its going to take members and a decent leadership... i'd keep those reqs the same for a long time. Won't be surprised to see you at #6-8 on the top 10 sooner or later, since the competition is pretty weak. Would just take a fairly active memberlist to gain spots.

[x] Group venge -- [x] Maxed Turmoil -- F2P retired

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Anyone who is going to criticize Sefket... I'm someone who knows him very well and has been annoyed with a lot of decisions he has made. I know above all he's really passionate about whatever he goes into and if you want a leader who will give his all into a clan this is definitely the one for you. I guarantee if you join this clan he will want greatness more than you do.

I've worked with Sefket for a very long time and I can conclude that he is ******* retarded and that this clan will fail.

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I've worked with Sefket for a very long time and I can conclude that he is ******* retarded and that this clan will fail.

I concur (I really don't). I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. vI do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. Seriously though, I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't.

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I concur (I really don't). I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. vI do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. Seriously though, I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't. I do. I don't.

Same here man.

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I hope you find this excerpt from 'Common Sense' by Thomas Paine as exhilarating as I have

 

Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions of rich and poor may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh, ill-sounding names of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the consequence but seldom or never the means of riches; and though avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy.

But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is the distinction of men into kings and subjects. Male and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is worth inquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind.

 

In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology, there were no kings, the consequence of which was there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throws mankind into confusion. Holland, without a king, has enjoyed more peace for this last century than any of the monarchical governments in Europe. Antiquity favors the same remark, for the quiet and rural lives of the first patriarchs have a happy something in them which vanishes when we come to the history of Jewish royalty.

 

Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was the most prosperous invention the devil ever set on foot for the promotion of idolatry. The heathens paid divine honors to their deceased kings, and the Christian world has improved on the plan by doing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title of sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is crumbling into dust!

 

[Paine discusses at length sections of the Bible, esp. the book of Samuel, that criticize monarchy.]

 

These portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no equivocal construction. That the Almighty has here entered his protest against monarchical government is true, or the scripture is false. And a man has good reason to believe that there is as much of kingcraft as priestcraft in withholding the scripture from the public in popish countries. For monarchy in every instance is the popery of government.

 

To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, go the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others forever; and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honors of his contemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest natural proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings is that nature disapproves it; otherwise she would not so frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ass for a lion.

 

Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have no power to give away the right of posterity, and though they might say "We choose you for our head," they could not without manifest injustice to their children say "that your children and your children's children shall reign over ours forever." Because such an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most wise men in their private sentiments have ever treated hereditary right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils which when once established is not easily removed; many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest.

 

This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable that, could we take off the dark covering of antiquity and trace them to their first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or pre-eminence in subtilty obtained him the title of chief among plunderers and who, by increasing in power and extending his depreciations, overawed the quiet and defenseless to purchase their safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and unrestrained principles they professed to live by....

 

[...]

 

In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes. 'Tis a form of government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it.

 

If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in some countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw from the scene and leave their successors to tread the same idle round. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request for a king urged this plea, "that he may judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles." But in the countries where he is neither a judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know what is his business.

 

The nearer any government approaches to a republic, the less business there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name for the government of England. Sir William Meredith calls it a republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal, has so effectually swallowed up the power and eaten out the virtue of the House of Commons (the republican part in the constitution) that the government of England is nearly as monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall out with names without understanding them. For it is the republican and not the monarchical part of the constitution of England which Englishmen glory in, viz., the liberty of choosing a House of Commons from out of their own body-and it is easy to see that when republican virtues fail, slavery ensues. Why is the constitution of England sickly but because monarchy has poisoned the republic; the crown has engrossed the Commons.

 

In England a king has little more to do than to make war and give away places, which, in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set it together by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshiped into the bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society, and in the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.

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I hope you find this excerpt from 'Common Sense' by Thomas Paine as exhilarating as I have

 

Mankind being originally equals in the order of creation, the equality could only be destroyed by some subsequent circumstance; the distinctions of rich and poor may in a great measure be accounted for, and that without having recourse to the harsh, ill-sounding names of oppression and avarice. Oppression is often the consequence but seldom or never the means of riches; and though avarice will preserve a man from being necessitously poor, it generally makes him too timorous to be wealthy.

But there is another and greater distinction for which no truly natural or religious reason can be assigned, and that is the distinction of men into kings and subjects. Male and female are the distinctions of nature, good and bad the distinctions of heaven; but how a race of men came into the world so exalted above the rest, and distinguished like some new species, is worth inquiring into, and whether they are the means of happiness or of misery to mankind.

 

In the early ages of the world, according to the scripture chronology, there were no kings, the consequence of which was there were no wars; it is the pride of kings which throws mankind into confusion. Holland, without a king, has enjoyed more peace for this last century than any of the monarchical governments in Europe. Antiquity favors the same remark, for the quiet and rural lives of the first patriarchs have a happy something in them which vanishes when we come to the history of Jewish royalty.

 

Government by kings was first introduced into the world by the heathens, from whom the children of Israel copied the custom. It was the most prosperous invention the devil ever set on foot for the promotion of idolatry. The heathens paid divine honors to their deceased kings, and the Christian world has improved on the plan by doing the same to their living ones. How impious is the title of sacred majesty applied to a worm, who in the midst of his splendor is crumbling into dust!

 

[Paine discusses at length sections of the Bible, esp. the book of Samuel, that criticize monarchy.]

 

These portions of scripture are direct and positive. They admit of no equivocal construction. That the Almighty has here entered his protest against monarchical government is true, or the scripture is false. And a man has good reason to believe that there is as much of kingcraft as priestcraft in withholding the scripture from the public in popish countries. For monarchy in every instance is the popery of government.

 

To the evil of monarchy we have added that of hereditary succession; and as the first is a degradation and lessening of ourselves, go the second, claimed as a matter of right, is an insult and an imposition on posterity. For all men being originally equals, no one by birth could have a right to set up his own family in perpetual preference to all others forever; and though himself might deserve some decent degree of honors of his contemporaries, yet his descendants might be far too unworthy to inherit them. One of the strongest natural proofs of the folly of hereditary right in kings is that nature disapproves it; otherwise she would not so frequently turn it into ridicule by giving mankind an ass for a lion.

 

Secondly, as no man at first could possess any other public honors than were bestowed upon him, so the givers of those honors could have no power to give away the right of posterity, and though they might say "We choose you for our head," they could not without manifest injustice to their children say "that your children and your children's children shall reign over ours forever." Because such an unwise, unjust, unnatural compact might (perhaps) in the next succession put them under the government of a rogue or a fool. Most wise men in their private sentiments have ever treated hereditary right with contempt; yet it is one of those evils which when once established is not easily removed; many submit from fear, others from superstition, and the more powerful part shares with the king the plunder of the rest.

 

This is supposing the present race of kings in the world to have had an honorable origin; whereas it is more than probable that, could we take off the dark covering of antiquity and trace them to their first rise, that we should find the first of them nothing better than the principal ruffian of some restless gang, whose savage manners or pre-eminence in subtilty obtained him the title of chief among plunderers and who, by increasing in power and extending his depreciations, overawed the quiet and defenseless to purchase their safety by frequent contributions. Yet his electors could have no idea of giving hereditary right to his descendants, because such a perpetual exclusion of themselves was incompatible with the free and unrestrained principles they professed to live by....

 

[...]

 

In short, monarchy and succession have laid (not this or that kingdom only) but the world in blood and ashes. 'Tis a form of government which the word of God bears testimony against, and blood will attend it.

 

If we inquire into the business of a king, we shall find that in some countries they have none; and after sauntering away their lives without pleasure to themselves or advantage to the nation, withdraw from the scene and leave their successors to tread the same idle round. In absolute monarchies the whole weight of business, civil and military, lies on the king; the children of Israel in their request for a king urged this plea, "that he may judge us, and go out before us and fight our battles." But in the countries where he is neither a judge nor a general, as in England, a man would be puzzled to know what is his business.

 

The nearer any government approaches to a republic, the less business there is for a king. It is somewhat difficult to find a proper name for the government of England. Sir William Meredith calls it a republic; but in its present state it is unworthy of the name, because the corrupt influence of the crown, by having all the places in its disposal, has so effectually swallowed up the power and eaten out the virtue of the House of Commons (the republican part in the constitution) that the government of England is nearly as monarchical as that of France or Spain. Men fall out with names without understanding them. For it is the republican and not the monarchical part of the constitution of England which Englishmen glory in, viz., the liberty of choosing a House of Commons from out of their own body-and it is easy to see that when republican virtues fail, slavery ensues. Why is the constitution of England sickly but because monarchy has poisoned the republic; the crown has engrossed the Commons.

 

In England a king has little more to do than to make war and give away places, which, in plain terms, is to impoverish the nation and set it together by the ears. A pretty business indeed for a man to be allowed eight hundred thousand sterling a year for, and worshiped into the bargain! Of more worth is one honest man to society, and in the sight of God, than all the crowned ruffians that ever lived.

 

I read it all, it is exhilarating.

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Atleast he's smart and set low standards to get into the clan.

Member of EOP 10 FEB. 2010
99 Magic on 23 FEB. 2010
Legend of EOP 23 FEB. 2010
Elite Member of EOP 22 MARCH 2010
Quit EOP MAY 2010 - RETIRED
Member of EOP 12 JULY 2011
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i can agree with kosher

Proud founder of Violent Demise
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